CFI or BF or BAU – decisions to participate

Deciding to participate

In deciding which government program will be more effective in attracting landholders and farming practitioners you have to consider whether it be the Carbon Farming Initiative (CFI) or the Biodiversity Fund (BF), or some new mechanism yet to be announced.

The later will come or go in the political morass. However, tangible initiatives are in place that could help private landholders hold-on in these difficult times and benefit both greenhouse abatement and encourage biodiversity management.

Which way would you go? Are you as a landholder a change agent? It will matter if you want to participate.

What if you set up a conservation practice, and go beyond business as usual -That is become a change agent? If yes, than it is possible to launch into the programs.

Which program is better suited to who, and why would you buy into either? What is the cost-benefit indicator in either?

Where to launch yourself

Consider this: A carbon credit is a property right that can help farmers, it is measureable and tradable. If the carbon credit unit under the CFI is vaulted and not sold it is possible it could be lost. CFI makes provision for more appealing use of the credit by market mechanism, meaning a more appealing product could produce a greater value for the property for which the credit was produced.   So you need to consider what is the level of government intervention likely, and what would be the triggers for this or any other government to consider the need for intervention.

Next consider the BF. The Biodiversity Fund can compensate farmers for some of the carbon forest establishment expenses, and it can guarantee the forests to be permanent carbon sinks. What BF does is help private landholders add value to the carbon sink and restore their landscape by undertaking biodiverse plantings. Outside our control, risk can occur and one example is bush fires.

But, are the market signals enough, why should I lock up my land to participate in either? I can still be able to plant trees on my private land, there is still a business potential for business as usual for agricultural purposes, and that could satisfy my local social and cultural values, and suit my financial needs. It follows I am happy that I treat my land with respect and its nature rewards me without government programs. Responding to market signals might not preserve what is my reason for being a landholder despite the promises.

If I clearly, believe in the requirement to address emissions abatement and biodiversity to protect, what is causing me this unease?  Do I feel this way, have doubts, because I am concerned about the design of the programs, and the short answer is yes.  It is a particular political party making me feel this way, short answer no.

Design of the programs

What worries me is the design of the programs. Innovators are locked out, policy outputs are aggregated in to boxes, and many ticks in the box are called outcomes. Because of this the ability to influence the approaches to emission abatement and biodiversity management is compromised. Compromise has the potential to disrupt the success of the projects. To the government’s defence they have allocated a research budget under the CFI to study and deliver outcomes for the programs.

Can your feedback enhance the design of these programs? It happens Carbon Innovation (CI) and Carbon Training International (CTi) have been approaching government agencies and designed an CFI Exchange Series to address this problem and give feedback on what affects farmers and landholders – more than just policy outputs we argue.

What are the CI/CTi CFI Exchange series findings?

1. Overlooked in the design of programs: Social and cultural factors have the ability to influence these market approaches to emissions abatement and biodiversity management.

2. Social and cultural factors are the drivers to successful programs.

3. The bother of undertaking the many steps of CFI methodology process (positive/negative lists etc) is time consuming for landowners, and diverts the efforts that could otherwise be productive on the future of their farm businesses.

4. Landholders are having to deal with uncertainties and the risks are more often exaggerated and the opportunities obscure.

5. Awareness sessions labeled Carbon 101, short courses, are done to death.

Dealing with uncertainty

The 100 klm rule is most influential in dealing with uncertainty.

All it takes is a neighbor to say: Sounds a bit risky. You then feel compelled to get more information on what will effect you. The government will argue the information is available on government websites, by third parties authorized by the government. But clearly lacking is an adequate explanation of how, what or where to address the skills and competencies required – that is a no to adequate information.

Outside the 100 klm, the ability of the landholder to influence is much less, as country and soil type, diversity and other factors can affect decisions. For instance a brown soil country has a much different productive capacity to grey alluvial soil. An urban encroachment over rural farmlands will see different attitudes. Enthusiasm to experiment can replace the practicality of historical lessons.

The Exchange series was designed to alleviate the constant fear of carbon schemes being put at risk, and providing information to make it less uncertain for landowners.

Think of it as an insurance of really knowing if the government is here to help you.

On the subject of insurance, good data will help get adequate cover – so I am told! Is that adequate to be an extra incentive for me? Back to you shortly.

References are various and this post mainly forms the seeming factual position to report and is not meant for anyone to rely on financial decision making. It is however, demonstrating the need for more information.

 

Woodlawn Ducks

On 11 June 2012, the Sydney Morning Herald wrote that the French company Veolia has been approved to increase the maximum amount of rubbish dumped in the disused Woodlawn mine at Tarago, near Goulburn, (originally 360,000 million tonnes then increased to 500,000) to 1.13 million tonnes a year.

The issue is new transfer facilities are required, and no evidence is obvious that the Sydney end or the Tarago end is able to handle the increased waste transfer rates.

For example the current Sydney facility can handle 500,000 tonnes per year. Tarago has a rail siding capable of transhipping from rail to road for the remainder of the journey at the rate of the Sydney transfer capability.

Veolia is quoted as saying: “new transfer infrastructure would be needed to handle increased waste from Sydney”.

In March 2012, when approving the Woodlawn expansion the (NSW) Planning Assessment Commission did conclude waste levies, not caps, would reduce garbage flowing to landfills. But they failed to disclose that the approved waste sorting facility(s) was not coping or missing from the equation.

What is even more compelling is the NSW Department of Environment, Climate Change and Water thought the Woodlawn expansion plan failed to address planning regulations that require landfill proposals to demonstrate “a suitable level of recovery of waste”. Co2Land believes fiqures of recovery are significantly lower than predicted. Co2land also notes the methane-capture facility at the site converts greenhouse gas emissions into renewable energy, but is underperforming. The new windfarm at Woodlawn helps offset the losses by this underperformance.

With all this good example potential.  Why don’t they rail direct to the Woodlawn site? It might make all the planets align!

CO2 REDD line

Five years after Australia’s “direct action” pledge (John’s not Julia’s), We are seeing serious criticism by the Greens that the schemes overstated their aims, claims and were underachievers. If not total failures.

A brief background is: Australia started a global fund to fight forest destruction with the aim of halving the rate of deforestation and reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 3 billion tonnes a year. The politics of the day was convinced emissions reductions greater than 10 times that under Kyoto Protocol was possible, and born was the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) schemes in Indonesia.

The Sydney Morning Herald, 11 June 2012, published under the story “Credits lost in tangle of Aceh’s forest” that the Australian government and private sector schemes in Indonesia “have faltered or fallen spectacularly, recriminations flying”. Maybe even worst is the claims the REDD is yet to earn $1 for preservation of forests, and yet to generate a single carbon credit!

But can Julia save John from history recording his mistake? Can super Julia’s and her team ‘policy fix’ with a carbon-trading scheme, which begins its fixed price period on July 1, by saving a big supply of carbon credits sourced from a renewed vigor to direct action in other countries, and maybe save Indonesia’s forests.

Without needing Einstein to work it out, regardless of A bott’s hot air spittle, we need offshore credits to met targets modeled as 434 million tonnes a year by 2050.

As Australians, we can run but we cannot hide from it, we are large emitters from a small population and we cannot meet even modest greenhouse reduction targets without sourcing credits overseas. This will be especially true for our farmers under the Carbon Farming Initiatives, which has bi-partisan support.

CO2Land – who cares

Formed in 2012, to give an information exchange on how carbon matters. For example: Carbon risk where the innovators live. Carbon opportunity where the market can exist in harmony with policy. Zero waste where we have the ideals explained and identify barriers to progress in waste elimination. Hot air where it needs to be talked about the why.